Muslim Social Philosophy

Dr. M. Basharat Ali

In European languages, particularly in German, there are sumptuous works on Muslim political thought. In English two books on the Political Thought of the Muslims are available—one by Haroon Khan Sherwani and a new one published by

Erwin I. J. Rosenthal but nothing is to be found in them about the social philosophy and sociological contribution of the Muslims. Islamic Social philosophy and the existential base of the Muslim sociological thought contain unity of outlook through the common belief in God and His Prophet () who had received a revelation in the form of the Holy Qur’an, which is the first and the last source book of all sociological and sociologistic thought. Islam is a way of life which comprises diverse elements all bound together into one composite-whole. The exemplary life of the Prophet, his Sunnah, combined with the Qur’an, served as sources of the development of sociology and the social Philosophy among the Muslims.

The social philosophy and the sociological thought of the Muslims offer a classic example of the power of Islam to develop a social system and a theory of its own and to relate to these systems, theories and ideas in multi variant forms to meet the specific requirements of the space-time dimensions.

The Western scholars failed to appreciate the splendid socio-cultural role played by the Muslim philosophers. In a very special way they are the best qualified exponents of synthesis between various thoughts. Their social philosophy represents the encounter of the foreign element with that of the Qur’an, the sure foundation of all the Muslim thought. And again, their philosophy is an integral part of their general philosophy, largely conditioned by the Qur’an and the Sharia. In the formulation of their social thought, they were certainly in need of critical study of the past systems of thought, but they never adopted anything without a critical analysis. They were Muslim philosophers first and last and one has to measure their ideas and values by the impact they have made on the general run of human culture.

In the development of social philosophy and sociological thought, theologians and jurists are to be included in the periphery of philosophers. The critical study of the thought patterns of these scholars will give an idea how misleading are the generalizations of the Western scholars in their assumption that the antecedents of Islamic Philosophy are the combination of ideas stemming from Greek and Hellenistic philosophy. The Qur’an has categorically repudiated the Greecian and all those thoughts prevalent prior to the advent of Islam in Suras Rum, Luqman and Bani-Israel etc., because all these thoughts were either ideational or sensate and hence they were contrary to the idealistic thoughts propounded by the Qur’an. As to the Jewish and Christian thoughts, they were equally not in conformity with the Qur’anic thought pattern, because of their dichotomous ideational nature. Social philosophy of the Muslims is only a branch of their general philosophy; its great importance is due to the religio-social, unitary character of Islam. Such unitary character in all dimensions of the Muslims socio-cultural order, systems of knowledge, thought, patterns, metaphysics and eschatology is due to the Qur’anic teachings which recurringly say that there is no two or three gods (16:51, 4:171) but there is One and only One God (2:163, 1/2).

The social philosophical thought may be divided into two categories, united into one whole by their axiological existential base—the principle of Tawheed.

1. Theological juristic by way of the political, historical and the scientific realistic. historical and the 2. Scientific realistic.

Whatever may be their nature, the unique feature, as I have pointed out above, is that the Muslims were always guided in their thinking and investigations by the Qur’an and the Sunnah. There was no wide ranged disparity between philosophy and the other sections of thought. As Muslims, they accepted the masses as their equals in faith and they shared with them all aspects of socio-cultural and religious life. The authoritative character of the Qur’an  and the Sunnah as the ideal base of the ideal society is an axiom with all the social philosophers and sociologists of Islam. The social philosophy, owing to the unitary character of Islam, knows no distinction between a spiritual and a temporal realm nor between religious and secular activities in the society. Both realms form a unit under the all-embracing authority of Qur’an and the Sharia. The main objective of the society is the implementation of the Qur’an — the Eternal Law—by safeguarding the welfare of the members of the society in this world and the world to come.

The social philosophy in Islam initially starts with the quest for happiness. The Arabic all dimensional term is SA’A’DA (سعادہ) Ibn Miskawaih, in his book Tahdhib-al-Akklaq, defines ‘happiness’ as practical and theoretical perfection of a person. Both are interdependent. The latter is attained through knowledge of the existing things, the former through ethical perfection. Political Government is necessary while achieving all dimensional perfection. Moral education, he stresses, should lead to obedience to God as our final welfare. I am persuaded to what Fakhr-al-Razzi (d. 1209) has rightly formulated the philosophical thought, when he states that only prophetic revealed law enables man to live in society. Without political and social organization, he rightly opines, man cannot achieve his destiny.

Rosenthal, without analyzing the depth and level meanings involved in the above thought patterns and above all, without understanding the idealistic cultural mentality and the integrated whole-view of life of the Muslims has merely on the scene of superficial similarity compared the above view with those of Thomas Aquinas, Maimoni des Jews and Christians: whereas the views expressed by them all are not only ideational but also contradictory. The central problems of Muslim social philosophy are faith and reason, law and order. The Western scholars, without penetrating into the pages of the Qur’an and the critical study of the Muslim thinkers like Farabi, felt a contrast between revelation and reason. Such a question was out of place for the Muslims, because the Qur’an has reiteratedly emphasized that blind faith is not acceptable.

Reason has not properly been understood by the scholars of the West. One of the ingredients of reason is the supra/super and hyper-rationality. One of them is intuition, a fact recognized by the modern humanistic sciences. From this enunciation it is clear that human reason is of course limited and hence man is bound by nature to follow the Divine Guidance (l6:1-21, 51-60).

The Muslim social philosophy as an integral part of the general philosophy was conditioned by revelation which prescribed its scope and content and imposed limits on it. If the religious philosophers insisted on revelation, it does not mean that contrary to the teachings of the Qur’an they precluded reason. Revelation, no doubt, is an absolute truth, but this again does not mean that one is not free to test it by reason. All the religious philosophers are unanimous that reason can also arrive at the same truth, as exposed by revelation. Imam Ghazzali is of this view and only two centuries ago Shah Waliullah expressed the same views in his Tafhimat. He categorically asserted that in the modern age reason, intuition and the Qur’an  and Sunnah go hand in hand. Rosenthal all through his analysis of the problem of faith and reason, has unwarrantedly compared the Muslim thought with the Jewish, Christian and Hellenistic thought which is diametrically opposed to the idealistic thought-pattern of the Muslims. Not only that he has misrepresented the Muslim thoughts deliberately. There is no contrast between faith and reason in Islam whereas this is the characteristic feature of the Christian theology and philosophy. And again, in the Islamic social thought, the assumed dualism of theology and philosophy is not to be found. Philosophy in Islam is the best means for explaining by demonstrative argument what it is within man’s rational faculty to grasp.

The axiological part of the Muslim social philosophy is most important. All meanings and values are derived from the Names and Attributes of God, which are conglomerated into one all-embracing category, the principle of Tawheed. This forms the base of the assessment and evaluation of the dimension of the society and this forms the existential basis of the society, personality and culture in Islam.

To achieve a larger and larger unity, an expanding force is needed which whould be capable of binding people and nations together. The principle of Tawheed, the Qur’an  and the Prophet-hood are the constituent elements of such a cohesion.

The Muslim legal philosophy and the sociology of law are the most important part of their social philosophy. The reference of the Qur’an  and the Sunnah as the sources of the law in synchronicity forms the axiological base of the Muslim social philosophy. The entire society, the Jamaat and its various sectors, are equally important for the sociology and the social philosophy of Islam, because they are the residual force to them. From the point of view of the sociology of law they have evolved from the Sharia i.e. the way of life or culture, leading to Allah:

“And your God is one God; there is no God but He! He is the Beneficent, the Merciful” (2:163).

Fiqh is not only the source of our legal theory and practice, but it is equally important medium for the study of the society’s dimensions, with its causally related problems of legal and political institutions, leadership, control and socio-cultural relationships between individuals and individuals, groups and groups and institutions and institutions. These interpretations, comments Rosenthal, were collected and codified in the Fiqh—books of four legalistic schools, recognized as orthodox and named after their founders Hanfi, Maliki, Shafii, and Hanbali. From books in Fiqh can be learnt the constitutional law of Islam, as well as from special treatises emanating from the four schools and devoted to the theory and practice of the Caliphate.

The term Sharia, constantly used in Islamic Literature is, in its modern phraseology, equivalent to the systems of social order and culture. The only difference between Sharia and the modern concept of social system and culture is that Sharia, in its depth and levels, comprises systems of meanings and values also.

Not only law but the entire system of society and culture, like Sunnah, arose out of the Qur’an Hadith also represents the authoritative interpretation of Sunnah based in the Qur’an. The most conspicuous feature of the Muslim social philosophy is that it declared Sharia to be the Ultimate norm and the only common socio-cultural standard to be applied to a life lived under widely different circumstances of space-time causality and material cultural dimensions. It was the task of the Muslim jurists, philosophers and sociologists to integrate the political, social, economic and cultural life of their age into the normative standard of the Sharia. In playing this socio-cultural role the Muslims sociologists and social philosophers were guided by the Qur’anic sociological law propounded in the Sura Al-Asr and the verse 3:6. By the first they are guided to understand the space-time causal relativity with the human life and the resultant spirit of the age. These forces, in majority of cases, disintegrate the human socio-cultural life through changes in the value-orientation pattern or meaning system. The dislocation from the existential axiological base is the potential source of danger for the personality, society and culture, and hence the scholars had persuaded to play their role, by incessantly interpreting the systems of meanings and values in the light of the changing circumstances of life. They are not to be made sub-serviant to the spirit of the age, but rather the spirit and the space-time forces are to be made conformable to the existential, axiological base of the society. The Qur’an explains:

“He it is Who has revealed the Book to thee; some of its verses are decisive—they are the basis of the Book—and others are allegorical. Then those in whose hearts is perversity follow the part of it which is allegorical, seeking to mislead, and seeking to give it (their own) interpretation. And none knows its interpretation save Allah and those firmly rooted in knowledge. They say: We believe in it, it is all from our Lord. And none mind except men of understanding” (3:7).

They had not only to watch over, writes Rosenthal, the unimpaired authority to the Sharia, they had also to bring constitutional (and socio-cultural) theory into line with political (socio-cultural) Reality. Reconciliation is to be achieved incessantly between space-time and the existential meaning systems. This is the basic tenet of the Muslim social philosophy.

The problems of sovereignty treated by the Jurists are equally important for the sociological theories of control and leadership. It is very difficult to differentiate between state and society or an Imam and a social leader because, such a bifurcation is not permissible in Islam. In practice the head of the state, equally the principal leader of the society often delegated his temporal authority to an Amir or sectional leader of the society who exercised it effectively, but recognized the spiritual authority of the principal leader. This is a Juridico-social fiction; but it alone guaranteed the unity of Islam under the over-all authority of the Sharia....the basis of the Islamic society, personality and culture.

An independent political or social philosophy is not to be expected in Islam. The existence of the state as the innate part of the all-embracing society is taken for granted. They are concerned with the application of Sharia to the body politic and the society. The greatest mistake committed by the Western scholars is their attempt at dichotomizing politics and sociology as two different entities, whereas under the influence of their idealistically integrated cultural mentality, it cannot tolerate duality. However, the two domains have always been treated by the Muslims as a totality. Consequently their analysis of political thought is always given in proper socilogism. This shows that the Muslims are the precursors of the modern sociology of politics, an important sociological discipline in the modern periphery of the general sociology. Rosenthal thus summarizes the situation :

The interpretation of the Sharia undertaken by Sunni jurists of the four recognized schools is however, a compromise between the ideal norm and political reality. Its aim was clearly two fold: to vindicate and uphold the divine purpose of the Muslim state and to give support to the Abbasid Caliphs in their struggle against both Sunni and sectarian (Shi’i in the first place) challenges to and encroachments on their authority. A theory of Government was evolved under pressure of rival claims to power. The treatises of the Abbasid period must thus be read in the light of this constitutional struggle; they reflect the existing political situation in the Islamic empire notwithstanding their theoretical superstructure in defense of the valid teaching of Qur’an , Sunna and Hadith. This is true of the Hanafi Abu Yusuf Yaqub’s (731-98) introduction to his Kitab-ai-Kharaj which he wrote at the behest of the Caliph Harun—al-Rashid, and also of two later authors contemporary with each other; the Shafai‘s Al-Mawardi (991-1031) and Abu Mansur Abd-al-Qahir Tahir-al-Baghdadi (d. 1037); also of their fellow Shafai’s-al-Ghazzali (d. 1111) and Badr-al-Din Ibn Jamma (1241-1333) and of the Hanbali Ibn-Taymiya (d. 1328).

The ideal Muslim state was strongly upheld by the only Muslim thinker who developed an independent political theory lbn Khaldun (1332-1406) when he contrasted it with the Mulk as a man-made, exclusively this-worldly, temporal state, leading on his predecessors, he nevertheless formulated the difference in origin, development and purpose of the respective state within a philosophy of history built around the power-state and power-politics. He did this in a manner both concise and as far as the power-state is concerned novel, reaching beyond his own age and Muslim civilization. He approached past and contemporary history as an empiricist and was interested in the law governing history and politics, unlike the Muslim jurists, especially Al-Mawardi, on whose exposition of the Khilafa he drew extensively.

 Al-Mawardi :—

Al-Mawardi’s book Ahkam-al-Sultaniya has wrongly been judged as a book on political science. It is a treatise on the sociology of politics. Prof. Sir Hamilton Gibb has, to my mind, underrated the value of the book when he says that the ‘Ahkam‘ was written to assert the authority of the Abbassaid Caliphs.

Al-Mawardi’s theories are saturated with the existential base and value system of Islam. The ruler is not as assumed by the modern scholars, the political authority, but a leader of the community bound to lead it in all dimensions of its life. If the rulers wanted to stay in power unchallenged and unhindered they dared not ignore the fundamental principle that the authority conferred by ljma (consensus) of the Umma or Jamaa, the Muslim community, for the caliph was the only authority in law to which a Muslim would and could submit. To be clothed with the mantles of legality was worth a contract confirming their delegated authority and freeing them from the stigma of rebellion or usurpation. Only in this way could be preserved the unity of the community of the faithful under their commander. The task of the Sunni jurists was thus not to formulate and interpret the doctrine of the Khalipha, but to harmonize an existing historico-political situation with the Sharia by interpreting the Quran, Sunnah and Hadith.

The qualifications laid down for the political leadership are also applicable to the leadership in society. Ho distinguishes between the two inter-dependent categories of leadership one based on reason and the other on revealed law. The first merely guards against mutual injustice, strife, discord and anarchy, while the other provides for the positive enforcement of law and justice in mutual confidence and friendship. Most important of all, the divinely revealed law enables the governor to administer religious affairs and prepare man for the hereafter, the term Imam which is constantly used by Al-Mawardi has been unnecessarily interpreted by the Westerners as political authority but in Islamic concept, it is a multi-polaric term, covering all the fields of the socio-cultural life must satisfy certain necessary conditions. The first condition which is to be called the social determinant and the social equilibrium is adala (عدالة) in strict conformity with the Quran. In order of causal relativity, the second indispensable condition Ilm i.e. knowledge to make independent decisions and pass judgements on the pertinent issues of the community Life, political and otherwise.

Al-Mawardi’s theories later on were fully propounded and worked out in detail analysis by Ibn Khaldun under new sociological concept called Asabiya (عصبیة) the corporate sense common not only to family but to the entire society with a specific cultural mentality and individuality. According to Ibn Khaldun this gives the group staying power and drive born of a common outlook. No doubt he is true in his verdict that the coherence of a group is impaired by the weakening of the force of Asabiya, to the point where common action finally becomes impossible. Not only in law and politics but in all the fields of socio-cultural life, the Muslim thinkers were guided by historical precedent. Almost all of them gave rational and empirical interpretation to the actual historical situation and have to rely on the authority of the historians of the Caliphate, like Ibn Sa’d, Ibn Hasham, Ibn-Al-Athir, Tabari and others. The reasons of such reliance are not far to seek. The period of orthodox caliphate is the existential base for the ever new construction of the Muslim Society and the state.

Al-Mawardi’s contribution in the fields of sociology of politics and law is valuable. He was of the opinion that law should be interpreted from time to time, according to the requirements of the spirit of the age with a view to preserving the unity of the Muslim community under the authority of the Islamic systems of meanings—-Al-Quran and Hadith. The Muslims were the first thinkers who recognized the validity of the space-time factors in the human social and cultural life. Thus they stressed as the basic tenet of their social philosophy that law and politics should be interpreted in the framework of Fiqh, mainly because of its combined religious and legal aspects, embodied in the constitutional law. Muslim constitutional law no doubt is the result of the confrontation of the Sharia—the ideal, divinely revealed law —with the historical and political reality of the Islamic state.

Al-Mawardi’s concepts of Ijmaa and Sharia are the definite contributions in the fields of sociology, politics and law. The value judgement of these concepts is, according to him, the Qur’an and Hadith, and hence his socio-political and jural philosophy is the result of harmoneous and logico-meaningful reasoning derived from the Quran, Sunnah, Hadith, Ijmaa and Qiyas, with historical and socio-political deductions from the formative period of Islam; supported by the view of the Salaf, and a realistic appraisal of the contemporary social and political science. Another notable feature of his philosophy is to be seen in his comparative procedure. In the enunciation and analysis of his thought in the Ahkam-al-Sultaniya he discusses objectively the—views of other scholars and jurists, not necessarily belonging to his own Shafii Madhhab.

Much has been written about the political philosophy of the scholars in general and more particularly on his views on Imamat, choice and election of Imam, his duties and function etc. and it is not worthwhile to reproduce them there. The only point which is awfully neglected by our scholars is the fact that Al-Mawardi in his analysis of the political phenomena, has taken full cognizance of their socio-cultural background. He has gone deep and has clearly identified the depth and level meanings involved in them. Thus his political ideas are not only socialized but are axiologically orientated. Not a single thought is segregated from its system of meaning or axiological base—-the Quran, Sunnah and Hadith. The problems of Imamate discussed by him are not to be compared with the ever fluctuating Western thoughts which are not only dichotomous self contradictory and meaningless. This can be clearly seen by the student in the political and social philosophy of all the Western thinkers like Roussean. Bodin, Austin and Laski etc. The sociological principles laid down by Al-Mawardi for the ever-new construction of the Muslim society are summarized below. Without adhering to these principles no leadership can play its role adequately and meaningfully.

1.     The first is to guard the faith based on its established principles and on the consensus (Ijma) of the first Muslims (al-Salaf al-Umma). This condition presupposes the quality of Ilm to be understood as expert knowledge of the tenets and traditions of Islam, and to expound and defend them against heretics.

2.     He must execute and preserve justice, in conformity with his own Adala.

3.     The spiritual laws of life, society politics, individual and culture. This element was given great preponderance and emphasis by the Abbasids.

4.     The emphasis on justice and Jihad.

Al-Mawardi succinctly remarks that from the realm of justice we move to that of military action.

The greatest meaningful relativity of Al-Mawardi’s theories is to be seen in his documentation in two directions. In support of his formulation he constantly cites, the Quran. The laws related above from the periphery of the religious duties and this shows that religion cannot be separated from politics, economics, culture and all what is called social life. It has been shown clearly by Al-Mawardi that religion is the basis of human life. It is related with the human life in all dimensions, horizontally and vertically. Rosenthal rightly concludes that “they show quite clearly the unity of religion and politics, of the spiritual and temporal or religious and secular aspects of a life centred in and leading to God.

What has been stated about the head of the state or political leader is equally true of the leaders in social and cultural life. According to the Islamic concept so audaciously enunciated by Al-Mawardi, whatever may be the nature of the leadership, a person can hold that office only confirmed by the Ijma. The community is bound to act under Divine Guidance and its agreed choice and recognition are, therefore, infallible. “My community will never agree upon an error”, says the Holy Prophet ().

Al-Ghazzali

In examining the social thought of Ghazzali consideration must be taken of the space-time faces, because he was the first Muslim thinker who was a staunch believer of phenomenology. Unlike Hurse, his phenomenology is fully saturated with ideal and meaning. His important sociological thesis is based on the idea of leadership which is constantly referred to by the Muslim social philosophers in the generalized term Imama. The Imama is necessary because it is of advantage and keeps away damage in the world. It is an indispensable instituion of Muslim life demanded by the Ijmaa of the community after the death of Muhammad () when the maintenance of religious and political order made the immediate investiture of the Imam imperative. But the Ijmaa of the ‘Umma is not sufficient, for “the good order of religion” is obtained only “by an Imam who is obeyed”. In fact, “the good order of religion” is possible only through “the good order of the world” which, in turn, is dependent on an “Imam who is obeyed”. Religious and (temporal) power are twins. Din is the foundation and the power is simply meant for the preservation and consolidation of the Din. The stress on power is significant even though it is only a means to an end the end being the good order of religion with Sa’ada Akhira or Saadat-e-Quswa.

Ghazzali will remain conspicuous in the history of Muslim sociological thought in view of his contributions in the fields of sociology of war and the sociology of knowledge, the first being unknown in the modern thought and the latter only coming into prominence after the Second World War. Ability to wage Jihad is conditioned by the possession of powers and courage (Nnjda Wa-Shajja). It has always been considered one of the foremost duties of the caliph. Similarly his theory of Taqlid is equally very important. He stresses Taqlid as far more useful in an age of crisis and wide disparity than Ijtihad, leading to further disintegration. It was imitation and its causes and consequences that gave Ghazzali the opportunity to review fundamental sociological problems. If imitation is the key to social phenomena, Ghazzali argued, then the typical social relation is that of “teacher-learner” in a variety of situations. He takes the causes of imitation to be basically internal although they are modified or supplemented by the group situation. His apparent emphasis on imitation was essentially a conceptual base from which he was able to explore a crucial sociological problem, the process in which the individual is incorporated into groups and society. Thus Ghazzali explained social structure in terms of individual behaviour or imitation reflecting common models or values. He stresses more and more that in social developments complexity and differentiation are to be, accompanied by increasing emphasis on beliefs, values and organizational principles etc.

In his theory and classification of knowledge he lays emphasis among other things on the predictive nature of knowledge. His contention is that knowledge is for the sake of prediction, and prediction for the sake of control. Such linking of prediction by Ghazzali is not accidental but is rather inherent in scientific and knowledge pursuit. It is an exclusive topic in itself requiring detailed analysis and research and hence we can do no justice with the theory of knowledge of Ghazzali, except hinting at its salient features.

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